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Where in the pantheon of American commercial titans does Jeffrey Bezos belong? John D. Rockefeller refined 90 percent of American oil, which supplied the pre-electric nation with light. Bill Gates created a program that was considered a prerequisite for turning on a computer. At 55, Bezos has never dominated a major market as thoroughly as any of these forebears, and while he is presently the richest man on the planet, he has less wealth than Gates did at his zenith.

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• 50 Greatest Prog Rock Albums of All Time
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50 Greatest Prog Rock Albums of All Time

Geoffrey T. It is commonly hypothesized that higher cognitive abilities promote racial tolerance and a greater commitment to racial equality, but an alternative theoretical framework contends that higher cognitive abilities merely enable members of a dominant racial group to articulate a more refined legitimizing ideology for racial inequality.

This study estimates the impact of verbal ability on a comprehensive set of racial attitudes, including anti-black prejudice, views about black-white equality in principle, and racial policy support. It also investigates cohort differences in the effects of verbal ability on these attitudes.

Results suggest that high-ability whites are less likely than low-ability whites to report prejudicial attitudes and more likely to support racial equality in principle. Despite these liberalizing effects, high-ability whites are no more likely to support a variety of remedial policies for racial inequality. Results also suggest that the ostensibly liberalizing effects of verbal ability on anti-black prejudice and views about racial equality in principle emerged slowly over time, consistent with ideological refinement theory.

Cognitive ability—broadly defined as a set of mental skills that allow an individual to learn from experience, adapt to new situations and solve problems, understand and manipulate abstract concepts, and use knowledge to act on the environment—is widely held to have a profoundly liberalizing influence on racial attitudes Adorno et al.

Indeed, several studies now provide evidence that higher cognitive ability is associated with lower anti-black prejudice, lower authoritarianism, greater tolerance of out-groups, and greater support for egalitarian values among whites Bobo and Licari ; Deary et al. They are, however, better equipped to understand, analyze, and act on their group interests; to develop effective legitimizing ideologies for extant inequalities; and to articulate an astute defense of their social position.

According to this perspective, high-ability members of a dominant group avoid overtly prejudicial views about subordinate groups because these attitudes have the potential to inflame intergroup relations and provoke challenges to the status quo. Instead, they placate subordinate group members by avoiding these inflammatory attitudes and by offering superficial support for racial equality in principle.

But given their keen awareness of group interests, dominant group members with higher cognitive ability are no more likely to support concrete efforts to overcome the inequalities from which they benefit. The ideological refinement perspective also contends that the effects of cognitive ability on racial attitudes are related to the evolving nature of intergroup conflict.

When subordinate group members are more compliant parties to unequal social relations, overtly prejudicial attitudes that highlight supposedly categorical distinctions between races may be readily used by dominant group members to justify their social position.

On the other hand, when a subordinate group aggressively challenges their unequal social position, prejudicial attitudes may come to be perceived as derogatory and their expression risks further inflaming dominant-subordinate relations. This perspective therefore anticipates that the liberalizing effects of cognitive ability on anti-black prejudice emerged slowly over time, and particularly after the civil rights movement, as black resistance to their subordinate status increasingly threatened extant relations of racial inequality in the United States.

Prior studies provide important evidence on the association between cognitive ability and racial attitudes, but they are limited by their focus on a single racial attitude domain—overt prejudice—and by their inattention to differences across time in the effects of cognitive ability on these attitudes. Reliance on measures of racial attitudes that do not examine a constellation of views on prejudice, principles of equality, and policy remediation of inequality, and that are used with a narrow range of birth cohorts or in time-invariant analyses, precludes testing of more complex hypotheses from the ideological refinement perspective about the link between cognitive ability and dynamic, multidimensional racial ideologies.

This study provides new evidence on the enlightenment and ideological refinement perspectives by investigating the effects of one particular dimension of cognitive ability—namely, verbal ability, defined as the subset of skills related to understanding and analyzing language-based information—on a more comprehensive set of racial attitudes and by investigating cohort differences in these effects.

Specifically, it analyses the effects of verbal ability on not only anti-black prejudice but also on views about racial segregation in principle, perceptions of discrimination, and support for a variety of racial policies. With a more extensive set of attitude measures from birth cohorts spanning most of the twentieth century, this study provides a more rigorous investigation into whether verbal ability promotes a commitment to racial egalitarianism or whether it instead promotes a more refined legitimizing ideology for racial inequality.

I begin by discussing the theoretical and empirical foundations of the enlightenment and ideological refinement perspectives. In these sections, I outline the core premises and propositions of each theory, review prior studies that have attempted to assess these different frameworks, and develop a set of hypotheses that is used to adjudicate between them. Results from these analyses indicate that whites with higher verbal ability, compared to those with lower ability, are less likely to report negative prejudicial attitudes toward blacks, are more likely to support racial integration in principle, and are more likely to acknowledge discrimination against blacks.

But despite these liberalizing effects, whites with higher verbal ability are generally no more likely to support open housing laws, government aid for blacks, tax incentives for businesses to locate in largely black areas, and targeted spending on predominantly black schools, and they are significantly less likely to support school busing programs and preferential hiring policies, compared to their counterparts with lower verbal ability.

Furthermore, results suggest significant cohort differences in these effects. The liberalizing impact of verbal ability on anti-black prejudice and on views about racial equality in principle are much less pronounced, and in some instances completely absent, among cohorts born well before the civil rights movement.

Nontrivial effects of verbal ability on these attitudes emerge only among more recent birth cohorts. These findings are difficult to reconcile with the enlightenment perspective and are more consistent with the ideological refinement perspective, although I also consider several alternative explanations for this pattern of effects. That lower cognitive ability is linked to prejudicial attitudes is something of a cultural truism in the United States, and variants of the enlightenment perspective have motivated nearly all recent research on the attitudinal effects of cognitive ability Costello and Hodson ; Deary et al.

This perspective is premised on the view that racial prejudice is the direct efflux of a narrow-minded, uninformed, and inegalitarian world outlook. In other words, prejudice and negative intergroup attitudes result directly from individual ignorance and mental rigidity.

Based on this conception of intergroup negativism, the hypothesis that higher cognitive ability breaks down prejudice and promotes more egalitarian racial attitudes naturally follows. More concretely, the enlightenment perspective contends that higher cognitive ability reduces intergroup negativism and promotes a sincere commitment to racial equality for a number of specific reasons.

First, higher cognitive ability facilitates a more complete understanding of the complex causes of intergroup inequality and a deeper awareness of the dangers of prejudice Hodson and Busseri ; Schuman et al.

Second, it enables individuals to adopt multiple perspectives and process information from different points of view Deary et al. Third, it allows individuals to process large amounts of information without relying on rigid simplifying ideologies that emphasize categorical and hierarchical absolutes Deary et al.

Similarly, the enlightenment perspective also posits that individuals with lower cognitive ability gravitate toward authoritarian ideologies, which offer a psychological sense of stability and order.

Authoritarian ideologies are thought to provide a cognitive lens for distilling complex social information without the expenditure of significant mental energy. By emphasizing resistance to change, simple answers, and strict boundaries between groups, authoritarian ideologies promote prejudicial attitudes and staunch resistance to efforts aimed at attenuating group-based inequalities Adorno et al.

An emerging body of empirical evidence is largely consistent with the claims of enlightenment theory. Similarly, higher verbal ability is associated with greater tolerance of nonconformist groups Bobo and Licari These effects persist even after controlling for the potentially confounding influence of education and parental socioeconomic status.

Evidence also suggests that the negative association of cognitive ability with prejudicial attitudes is mediated by authoritarian and liberal political ideologies, where those with low cognitive ability are more likely to endorse authoritarian views and less likely to endorse liberal views Kanazawa , which in turn predict higher levels of prejudice. The enlightenment perspective posits that these effects are genuine and do not merely reflect reluctance to express prejudicial views based on greater attentiveness to social norms among those with higher ability Hodson and Busseri Although these studies provide important evidence about the relationship between cognitive ability and racial attitudes, they are not without limitations.

First, previous studies have thus far focused on but one of many different dimensions of intergroup attitudes: overt racial prejudice. This narrow focus provides an incomplete assessment of the link between cognitive ability and complex racial ideologies. Second, previous studies are based primarily on data from a narrow range of cohorts born during or after the s or on time-invariant analyses, which precludes an investigation of potential heterogeneity in the attitudinal effects of cognitive ability among individuals socialized at different points in time.

Several older studies e. These findings suggest the importance of investigating temporal heterogeneity in the attitudinal effects of cognitive ability. In a related literature dealing with the effects of education on racial attitudes, evidence also indicates that focusing exclusively on racial prejudice while ignoring attitudes toward racial equality in principle and toward racial policies may generate overly simplified conclusions. For example, a large body of evidence indicates that, compared to whites with lower levels of education, highly educated whites are more likely to reject negative stereotypes, to endorse norms of racial equality, and to accept racial integration in principle, but are no more likely to support affirmative action policies Glaser ; Jackman , , ; Jackman and Muha ; Schaefer ; Schuman et al.

Although education and cognitive ability are closely related, they are fundamentally distinct concepts with unique and separable effects on intergroup attitudes Bobo and Licari ; Hodson and Busseri ; Kanazawa No prior studies investigate the effects of cognitive ability on a multidimensional set of racial attitudes net of the potentially confounding influence of education.

Ideological refinement theory was originally developed to better understand the effects of education on intergroup attitudes Jackman , , ; Jackman and Muha , but several of its core arguments can be adapted to generate hypotheses about the effects of cognitive ability on racial attitudes. The dominant group controls a disproportionately large share of the desired resources, while subordinate groups lack commensurate status, power, and resources.

Dominant and subordinate group members have objective interests that emerge from the shared advantages or disadvantages linked to their position in the social hierarchy. At a simple level, members of the dominant group have an objective interest in maintaining their advantaged social position, and subordinate group members have an interest in challenging their disadvantaged social position.

According to this perspective, negative intergroup attitudes are not merely consequences of a narrow-minded, uninformed, and inflexible world outlook. Rather, prejudicial attitudes are viewed as elements of racial ideologies developed to legitimize extant relations of inequality. Dominant groups routinely develop norms, values, and beliefs that serve their interests.

This ideology is developed without contrivance. It flows naturally from the desire of dominant group members to impose a sense of order on patterns of social interaction and to view the unequal social relations from which they benefit as appropriate and equitable Jackman and Muha Instead, they are thought to be part of dominant group efforts to reproduce their advantaged social position. The ideological refinement perspective contends that higher cognitive abilities are unlikely to promote a genuine commitment to racial equality because these abilities do not liberate dominant group members from the interests imposed by intergroup conflict.

On the contrary, advanced cognitive abilities are anticipated to promote a heightened awareness of group interests and to provide the intellectual means for articulating a more sophisticated defense of those interests. The means by which dominant groups attempt to maintain unequal social relations are linked to the nature of intergroup conflict.

When subordinate group members are more compliant parties to unequal social relations, the dominant group may justify these inequalities in terms of the supposedly distinct qualities of the groups involved. If resistance from subordinate group members begins to threaten extant relations of inequality, the dominant group seeks to mollify their discontent while making as few concrete concessions as possible. To this end, they may avoid inflammatory assertions of categorical group differences but still attempt to undercut subordinate group efforts to restructure relations of inequality by drawing on seemingly race-neutral values, such as respect for individual rights and meritocracy, to deny the validity of group rights and group-based remediation policies Jackman ; Jackman and Muha Individualism and meritocratic values provide dominant group members with an ostensibly principled means to deny the validity of group-based redistributive policies and transform them into weaker policies aimed at equal treatment and opportunity enhancement.

Within a highly imbalanced intergroup competition over resources, however, the provision of equal individual rights and meritocratic standards conveys a major competitive advantage to the dominant group and works to perpetuate their advantaged position Parkin Moreover, advanced cognitive abilities are not thought to promote a truly race-neutral commitment to individualism and meritocracy; rather, dominant group members with higher abilities are anticipated to selectively draw on race-neutral values to delegitimize only those policies that directly challenge their social position.

This defense is characterized by avoidance of overt prejudice, superficial endorsement of racial equality in principal, and opposition to concrete efforts aimed at remediating racial inequality Jackman and Muha For example, symbolic racism theory Kinder and Sears , racial resentment theory Kinder and Sanders , laissez-faire racism theory Bobo et al.

These new forms of racism differ from each other in subtle ways, but they all involve some type of resistance to efforts at ameliorating racial inequality based on seemingly principled values instead of overtly prejudicial attitudes. Ideological refinement theory compliments and extends these perspectives by specifying a role for cognitive ability in the emergence of new forms of racism. Based on the foregoing theoretical discussion, several hypotheses can be derived about the effects of verbal ability on racial attitudes.

This study focuses specifically on the effects of verbal ability because the GSS does not regularly measure the constellation of mental skills that compose the broader concept of cognitive ability. Although the enlightenment and ideological refinement perspectives focus more generally on cognitive ability, the subset of mental skills that make up verbal ability is intimately related to this broader concept and thus expected to have similar effects on racial attitudes Miner ; Wolfle The enlightenment hypothesis anticipates that higher verbal ability among whites is associated with rejection of anti-black prejudice, support for racial equality in principle, acknowledgement of discrimination, and support for policies designed to overcome discrimination and realize racial equality in practice.

The ideological refinement hypothesis, on the other hand, contends that whites with higher levels of verbal ability, compared to their peers with lower ability, are more likely to reject prejudicial attitudes, support racial equality in principle, and acknowledge discrimination; however, unlike the enlightenment hypothesis, verbal ability is expected to have no effect, or perhaps even a negative effect, on support for racial policies.

With respect to cohort differences in the effects of verbal ability, enlightenment theory does not provide explicit predictions. Most of the mechanisms thought to transmit the liberalizing effects of verbal ability involve intricate mental processes, such as the ability to organize complex information without relying on rigid hierarchical schema. These mental processes should operate, at least to some degree, independently of shifting patterns of intergroup conflict.

Furthermore, if racial prejudice is ultimately based on faulty and inflexible modes of information processing, then individuals with higher verbal ability should still be less prone to this type of erroneous processing regardless of the normative environment during their early socialization. Finally, the enlightenment perspective suggests that the liberalizing impact of verbal ability on prejudicial attitudes does not merely reflect differential sensitivity to social norms, which implies that this effect should be robust across time periods with different normative environments.

Thus, based on enlightenment theory arguments, it is reasonable to infer that the liberalizing effects of verbal ability on racial attitudes should be relatively invariant across cohorts born at different points in the twentieth century. Although the overall level of prejudice may change with time, those with higher ability are anticipated to be much less prejudiced than those with lower ability among all cohorts considered in this analysis.

The ideological refinement perspective, by contrast, suggests that the link between verbal ability and racial attitudes is contingent upon the state of dominant-subordinate relations, which implies a combination of period and cohort differences in the attitudinal effects of verbal ability.

Specifically, as blacks challenged their subordinate position throughout the twentieth century, culminating in the sweeping reforms associated with the civil rights movement, ideological refinement theory anticipates that whites—and cognitively sophisticated whites in particular—adapted to these challenges by softening their prejudicial attitudes, but not their opposition to racial policies, in an effort to placate black discontent while making as few concessions as possible.

Thus, during the time frame examined in this study, ideological refinement theory predicts that verbal ability has a minimal impact on anti-black attitudes among older cohorts born well before the civil rights movement and a strong negative impact on the same attitudes among more recent birth cohorts.

This study focuses on cohort differences in the effects of verbal ability on racial attitudes because prior research indicates that these attitudes are formed during an early period of political socialization and are relatively invariant thereafter Alwin, Cohen, and Newcomb ; Alwin and Krosnick ; Sears and Funk This suggests that cohort variability in these effects is substantially greater than period variability.

In addition, the GSS simply lacks the data needed for a rigorous analysis of period differences in the attitudinal effects of verbal ability. Because it was not fielded until well after the civil rights movement, the GSS lacks the most appropriate comparison group—individuals interviewed before the s and s—needed to estimate the hypothesized period differences.

I use data from white respondents to the waves of the GSS Smith et al.

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2020 Turkey Cert of Ownership Front

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Is it legal to cut an employee’s salary?

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