What element of persuasion does jobs use in this excerpt


Edited by Jane L. Parpart, M. Patricia Connelly, and V. Eudine Barriteau. The views expressed are those of the author s and do not necessarily represent those of the International Development Research Centre.


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Contact: i. There is no profit motive. The present licence applies exclusively to the texts. For the use of images, prior permission shall be requested. The designations employed in this publication and the presentation of the data do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNESCO concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries.

Articles express the opinions of the authors and do not necessarily represent the opinions of UNESCO and do not commit the Organization.

While it is true that in its form, the UDHR is largely inspired by the Western tradition, it is equally true that, in substance, its principles are universal. We pay tribute to the Ghanaian diplomat, who passed away on 18 August We cannot act without memory. But what we must remember in order for our actions to be worthy of our fathers is not so much the date, the place or the letter, but more the sounds, the colours, the feeling or the spirit of the moment. More than sixty prominent thinkers responded to the call of the young Organization.

Our whole social structure had been shaken by the repercussions of total war. Certainly, the world has changed a lot in the last seventy years. Many nations have cast off the colonial yoke, and many cultural traditions have resurfaced since the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights on 10 December More texts are available in the Courier online.

We are aware our selection cannot do justice to the full scope of the project, but we hope it will provide some food for thought. This issue is accompanied by a supplement containing about fifty drawings by Fernando Bryce; we also publish an interview with him p. The Peruvian artist was inspired by the pages of the Courier from to for his series of drawings titled The Book of Needs. The title is taken from a book published by UNESCO in , which assessed the losses and the global needs in education, science and culture at the end of the Second World War.

Kandel 24 Individual rights and respect for all cultures Melville J. Herskovits 27 The Hindu concept of human freedoms S. Mark Goodale In and , UNESCO conducted a worldwide survey of a diverse group of intellectuals, political leaders, theologians, social activists and other personalities to gather their opinions on the philosophical foundations of human rights.

A survey that was not widely publicized at the time, but one that is surprisingly relevant today. The international system that was created in the aftermath of the Second World War took time to emerge. This is, of course, true institutionally — agencies had to be created, headquarters had to be built, staff and leadership positions had to be filled.

But the complications were even greater at the political level. Although the general outlines of the relationships between the various international agencies were spelled out in charters and constitutions, the actual interactions between these organizations were ambiguous, to say the least, in those early years. Seventy-year-old views that remain contemporary Such a perspective is particularly pertinent in the area of human rights. The embryonic international community faced two main problems in The first was how to organize itself in a world devastated by global war and shaped by the contours of colonialism.

Would Realpolitik continue to prevail — in a world in which national sovereignty and interests were paramount — or would a new, egalitarian model be created, one that would redistribute power along new political and geographic lines? Children of United Nations staff members in New York take a close look at the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, two years after it was adopted on 10 December As the answer to the first question suggests, the powerful members at the core of the new UN system were reluctant to create any structure that could pose a threat — however abstract — to their political and legal prerogatives.

Even so, the actual procedure through which the CHR was supposed to produce a bill of human rights was left open. More specifically, it was not at all clear in how the CHR would establish the moral, religious and philosophical principles on which such a bill of human rights should be based.

It was clear that they should be universal and not privilege any one national, regional, or cultural tradition. But where were such principles to be found? In it, Huxley makes the argument that a special international agency was needed in order to help the world overcome its many divisions.

The creation of the United Nations Security Council was the answer to the first question. Not only would the UN system be one in which the nation-state would continue to play a foundational role; it would be a system that both reflected and legitimated the fact that certain countries were more powerful than others. The second question was related to the first, but was even more complicated. Given the horrors that had been unleashed during the recent global conflict — horrors that followed only two decades after the unprecedented carnage and destruction of the First World War — what kind of moral statement could the international community make that would adequately express its collective outrage and hope, however utopian, for a better future?

The very words cannot be interchanged internationally without ambiguity and misunderstanding …. I am inclined to think that there is only one problem which is fundamental — the cause and cure of sadism and aggressiveness — and that until we have done something about this problem, it is merely futile to discuss human rights.

After several false starts, they decided to do something unprecedented — to conduct a global survey among a diverse group of intellectuals, political leaders, theologians, social activists and others, in order to establish the philosophical principles of human rights.

In March and April , between to of these surveys were dispatched to an impressive list of social institutions, state organizations, and individuals. Nevertheless, the UNESCO human rights survey managed to capture a spectrum of viewpoints on the question of human rights that was arguably wider and more diverse than that produced by the CHR. This was precisely the mandate that Huxley needed. The unit within UNESCO that was responsible for carrying out this mandate was the philosophy subsection of what was in the beginning the Subcommission on Philosophy and Humanistic Studies.

Detail from the Camouflage installation on the windows of an abandoned electricity power plant in Rijeka, Croatia, , by the Spanish artist, Pejac.

The experts committee — E. Meanwhile, throughout most of , there was much confusion among the different UN states about just which agency was responsible for drafting the human rights declaration. Lessons for the future Yet, in spite of the fact that the UNESCO human rights survey of did not serve its original purposes, it remains strikingly relevant today. The responses offer a unique window into the diversity of thinking about basic issues of human dignity, society, and rights and duties, among many others, in the period before the UDHR codified a much more limited understanding of the Rights of Man.

As recent research on the survey demonstrates, the ability to rewind the history of human rights back to this transitional post-war era has given us an unexpected treasure-trove of ideas at a moment in time in which the status of human rights is as threatened as ever. Fragile, a poster by Greek designer Dimitris Arvanitis, one of the participants in the One for all, all for one!

Negative and Positive, , by Italian artist Carla Accardi , who co-founded the artist movement, Forma Uno, in Nor can we argue from the moral character of such rights, for morality recognizes no rights which are not, at the same time, duties, and no authority but itself — this is not a natural fact but the first spiritual principle. That is to say, rights accepted as such for men of a particular time. Thus, they are not eternal claims but simply historical facts, manifestations of the needs of such and such an age and an attempt to satisfy those needs.

As a historical fact, the Declaration of had its importance, since it expresses a general agreement which had developed under European culture and civilization of the eighteenth century the Age of Reason, of Enlightenment, etc. Today, however, it is no longer possible to realize the purpose of the Declaration, whether of rights or of historical needs, for it is precisely that agreement on the subject which is lacking and which UNESCO desires to promote.

Agreement, it is obvious, is lacking in the two most important currents of world opinion: the liberal current and the authoritarian- totalitarian current. And indeed that disagreement, though moderated in its expression, may be discerned in the report I have before me. Will this agreement be obtained? And by what means? By the reinvigoration of the current of liberalism, whose moral superiority, power of thought and persuasion and whose political wisdom and prudence will prevail over the other current?

Or will it be through a new world war which will bring victory to one or the other side, according to the fortunes of war, the course of events or Divine Providence? And would the immortal current of liberalism emerge from its opposite, should the latter be temporarily victorious? Is compromise possible? I assume that UNESCO reckons with the first alternative or hypothesis and I need not tell you that, for my part, I am heart and soul in favour of this endeavour for which each of us is bound to work with all his energies and for which I myself have been working for nearly twenty-five years in Italy and also further afield.

If that is so, however, a working organization such as that you invite me to, and in which representatives of all currents, especially the two most directly opposed, will participate with the same rights, cannot possibly proclaim in the form of a declaration of rights, a declaration of common political action, an agreement which has no existence, but which must, on the contrary, be the ultimate outcome of opposed and convergent efforts.

That is the point to be carefully considered, for it is the weak point. Nor do I even see how it would be possible to formulate any half-way or compromise declaration, which would not prove either empty or arbitrary.

It may be that you and your colleagues, when you get to work, will discover the futility and the impossibility of it, and even, if you will allow me to say so, the danger of causing readers to smile at the ingenuousness of men who have conceived and formulated such a declaration. In my opinion, there is only one useful form of practical work for UNESCO to do: namely, a formal, public and international debate on the necessary principles underlying human dignity and civilization.

In such a debate I do not doubt that the force of logic, culture, doctrine and the possibility of fundamental agreement would secure the triumph of free minds over the adherents of autocracy and totalitarianism, who are still reduced to reiterating the same slogans and the same sophistries to catch the public ear.

Once that debate was held, it would no doubt be possible to formulate the declaration of certain historical and contemporary rights and needs in some such short form as the Ten Commandments or, if it were to include details, at somewhat greater length. Noted for his literary criticism, he founded La Critica, a journal of cultural criticism in , and was the author of almost seventy books.

We must not imagine that all nations have now reached the same degree of perfection in the recognition and guarantee of the rights of man. It is not merely that the rights of the citizens have been conceived in individualist terms, and upon the political plane. According to him, to go beyond these individualistic terms, the state must intervene to ensure a certain number of social rights for its citizens. All rights proclaimed in the great documents of this character are in fact statements of aspiration, the fulfilment of which is limited by the view taken by the ruling class of any political community of its relations to the security of interests they are determined to maintain.

It is of the first importance, if a document of this kind is to have lasting influence and significance, to remember that the Great Declarations of the past are a quite special heritage of Western civilization, that they are deeply involved in a Protestant bourgeois tradition, which is itself an outstanding aspect of the rise of the middle class to power, and that, though their expression is universal in its form, the attempts at realization which lie behind that expression have too rarely reached below the level of the middle class.

Even if it be argued — and it is at least doubtful whether it can be argued — that this liberal pattern was ever valid, it is certainly not valid today.

There are vital elements in the common good which can only be achieved by action under the state-power — education, housing, public health, security against unemployment; these, at a standard acceptable to the community in an advanced society in Western civilization, cannot be achieved by any cooperation of citizens who do not exercise the authority of government.

It becomes plain, on any close analysis, that so far from there being a necessary antagonism between individual freedom and governmental authority, there are areas of social life in which the second is the necessary condition of the first. No statement of rights could be relevant to the contemporary situation which ignored this fact.

It would have little authority in those political societies which are increasingly, both in number and in range of effort, assuming the need to plan their social and economic life. It is, indeed, legitimate to go further and say that if the assumptions behind such a Declaration were individualistic, the document would be regarded as a threat to a new way of life by the defenders of historic principles which are now subject to profound challenge.

Its effect would be to separate, and not to unify, the groping towards common purposes achieved through common institutions and common standards of behaviour which it is the objective of such a Declaration to promote. Nothing, in fact, is gained, and a great deal may be lost, unless a Declaration of this character notes the fact of important ideological differences between political societies and takes full account of their consequences in the behaviour both of persons and institutions.

To attempt to gloss them over would be to ignore completely the immense changes they involve in the attitude that a socialist society, on the one hand, even a society beginning to embark on socialist experiment, and a capitalist society, on the other, is likely to take to things like private property, law, both civil and criminal, the services of health and education, the possibility of living, between certain ages, without the duty to earn a living, the place of the arts — of, indeed, culture in its widest sense — in the society, the methods of communicating news and ideas, the ways in which citizens adopt a vocation in life, the conditions of promotion in the vocation adopted, and the relation of trade unionism to the process of economic production.

From that conclusion it follows that, historically, previous Declarations of Rights have in fact been attempts to give special sanctity to rights which some given ruling class at some given time in the life of a political society it controlled felt to be of peculiar importance to the members of that class. It is no doubt true that they were often, even usually, written out in universal form; perhaps even their claim to the status of universality gave them a power of inspiration beyond the area in which they were intended to be effective.

But it remains generally true that in their application, the status of universality was always reduced to a particularity made, so far as possible, to coincide with what a ruling class believed to be in its interest, or what it regarded as the necessary limits of safe concession.

To provide the appropriate inspiration, such a Declaration would have to be both bold in its general character and concrete in its detailed conduct. It would have to take account rather of the possibilities which are struggling to be born than of the traditions that are dying before our eyes. It would be better to have no Declaration than one that was half-hearted and lacking in precision, or one which sought an uneasy compromise between irreconcilable principles of social action.



How Humanity Gave Itself an Extra Life

As in most other Platonic dialogues the main character is Socrates. In the Republic however, we encounter Socrates developing a position on justice and its relation to e udaimonia happiness. He provides a long and complicated, but unified argument, in defense of the just life and its necessary connection to the happy life. The dialogue explores two central questions. In order to address these two questions, Socrates and his interlocutors construct a just city in speech, the Kallipolis.

What you do once you're on the Internet is up to you. Use it wisely and responsibly. The chart below lists the Sunshine State Standards: Language Arts and.

Pathos, Logos, and Ethos

What motivated the Europeans' explorations? What were they looking for? What led them to deem an expedition a failure or success? How did the Europeans interpret the natural world they encountered? How did their experience of the New World comport with their expectations? How did the relationships of Europeans and Native Americans change after their initial encounters? What did the "New World" signify to Europe in ?


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what element of persuasion does jobs use in this excerpt

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Is it necessary to follow passions or reasons while choosing the career? Steve Jobs, the co-founder of Apple, Inc. The strategies used in developing the structure of the speech and the rhetorical strategies are closely connected. It is important to note that each of three stories told by Jobs is also developed according to the definite structure pattern where the first sentences of the stories can be referred to the pathos, the personal experience can be discussed with references to the ethos, and the final parts of the stories are organized as the logical conclusions, using the logos. Steve Jobs uses the pathos in the first sentences while telling his stories. Thus, Jobs can use more than one rhetorical appeal in a sentence.


Public speaking

English , What element of persuasion does Jobs use in this excerpt? Answers: 3. Other questions on the subject: English. English,

discourse, and the actual methodological approaches used. it is important to understand that persuasion does not necessarily alter a person's.

Shattered mirror

Public speaking, also called oratory or oration, has traditionally meant the act of speaking face to face to a live audience. Today it includes any form of speaking formally and informally to an audience, including pre-recorded speech delivered over great distance by means of technology. Confucius , one of many scholars associated with public speaking, once taught that if a speech was considered to be a good speech, it would impact the individuals' lives whether they listened to it directly or not. Public speaking is used for many different purposes, but usually as some mixture of teaching, persuasion, or entertaining.


Martin Luther King Jr.

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In simple words, A statement of intent are declarations regarding an adult, what influences themselves, their academic and interpersonal ambitions, and expectations for the potential time period as generally represented as a major feature of an applicant for entry to the college. English , What element of persuasion does Jobs use in this excerpt. Answers: 2.

A rhetorical analysis considers all elements of the rhetorical situation--the audience, purpose, medium, and context--within which a communication was generated and delivered in order to make an argument about that communication. A strong rhetorical analysis will not only describe and analyze the text, but will also evaluate it; that evaluation represents your argument.

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Paraphrasing, summarising and quoting

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